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MORTON 

Hon.  O.P.  Morton's  Terre 
Haute  Speech. 


E 

671 

M89 


\  O.  P.  MORTON'S 


DELIVERED    JULY    18,    1873,    AT    TERKE    HAUIIB,    INDIANA. 


Ladies  and 

1  shall  begin  what  I  have  to  say  to-uiglit 
by  congratulating  tliU  large  audience  and 
the  country  upon  tho  general  condition  of 
prosperity  that  prevails  throughout  our 
larirl.  [  think  I  may  say  with  perfect 
truth  there  never  was  before  since  our 
government  was  formed  a  condition  of 
sach  universal  prosperity  as  prevails  this 
day.  Every  condition  of  society  is  pros-; 
peroas.  There  never  was  a  time  when 
labor  was  better  rewarded  than  it  is  now, 
or  when  the  wages  of  labor  would  pur- 
chase more  of  the  necessaries  and^the 
luxuries  of  life  than  now.  There  never 
was  a  time  when  labor  was  so  honorable 
as  it  is  now,  and  so  universally  recognized 
as  the  foundation  of  all  national  growth 
and  prosperity. 

And  as  it  is  with  labor,  so  it  is  with 
every  other  department  of  the  body  poli- 
tic. The  mechanic,  the.  merchant,  the 
n&anufaeturcr,  the  professional  man  and 
the  capitalist — all,  to  speak  in  general 
terms,  are  now  nourishing — are  now  grow- 
ing apace  as  they  have  never  done  before. 
I  use  strong  language,  but  I  am  justified 
in  doing  it.  Look  at  the  prosperity  of 
your  own  beautiful  city.  I  am  told  it  is 
growing  more  rapidly  and  acquiring 
wealth  more  rapidly  than  ever  before. 
And  as  it  is  with-Terre  Haute  so  it  is  with 
Indianapolis,  and  almost  every  town  in 
the  State  of  Indiana •;  and  a3  it 'is  in  Indi- 
ana so  it  is  in  Ohio  and  throughout  our 
whole  country. 

Now,  of  course,  there  are  sonvj  persons 
who  are  in  embarrassed  circumstances, 
and  always  will  be.  There  never  wa.?  a 
time,  and  there  never  will  come  a  time, 
when  there  is  not  some  particular  indus- 
try or  som3  particular  lioe  of  business 
that  perhaps  is  suffering,  as  compared 
with  others.  But  I  am  speaking  now  of 
the  mass  of  tfao  community  and  the  general 
condition  of  business  ;  and  I  desire  to  call 
yorr  attention  to  the  great  blessings  by 
which  you  are.  surrounded .  Whether  you 
look  at  the  development  of  our  country 
in  the  West,  the  growth  of  our  cities,  the 
improvement  of  our  farms,  the  building  o? 
railroads  and  turnpike  roads,  and  evory 


species  of  p  1.1  olio  iuoproveteent;  whether 
you  look  at  tbe  general  consolidation  «£ 
the  business  of  the  country — that  it  is  now 
placed  upon  solid  foundations — that  it  is 
now  escaping  from  that  elemeret  of  infla- 
tion and  speculation  which  always  disoiF" 
ders  and  in  time  will  destroy  business- 
bear  in  mind  that*he  business  of  the  coun- 
try is  settling  down  upon  solid  and  endow- 
ing foundations,  and  that,  though  our  ap- 
parent prosperity  may  not  be  as  great  ar 
when  prices  were  high  and  when  there  war 
a  general  spirit  of  speculation — yet  onr 
prosperity  now  is  steady ;  it  is  onward  ;  H 
is  regular.  And  I  appeal  to  gentlemen  <& 
all  parties  to  say  if  the  tiling  we  most  de- 
sire and  which  we  roost  need  at  the  present: 
time  is  not;  stability — stability  in  business, 
stability  hi  the  finances,  stability  in  a« 
those  things  that  men  must  study  and  un- 
derstand an<|  calculate  upon  when  engaged 
in  individual  enterprises,  and  understand 
well  what  they  shall  do  the  next  year  or 
the  next  month. 

CROAKERS  AND  GRUMBLERS. 

But,  notwithstanding  our  unwonted 
prosperity  and  growth,  there  are  croakers, 
there  are  grumblers:  and  there  always  wffi 
be.  Yon  have  sometimes  seen  men  who,, 
when  they  were  in  pert-feet  health,  wouM 
strive  to  make  everybody  about  them  mis- 
erable by  pretending  that  they  were  abou$ 
to  die.  And  so  you"  will  find  politicians, 
in  the  midst  of.  this  great  prosperity  an* 
this  great  affluence,  who  tell  us  the  coun- 
try is  on  the  very  brink  of  ruin — on  the 
very  eve  of  bankruptcy — find  that  if  they 
are  not  placed  in  power,  or  their  party, 
verything  will  go  to  destruction.  Now 
you  know  these  things  are  not  so,  and 
there  is  110  intelligent" lady  or  gentlemaa 
liere  to-night — and  I  care  not  what  party 
they  belong  to — who,  if  they  will  take  a 
deliberate  survey  of  the  condition  of  thi* 
community,  of 'this  State,  and  of  this  na- 
tion, will  not  come  tortile  conclusion  that, 
as  a  people,  we  arc  more  prosperous  in  this. 
year  1S70  man  in  any  iormer  period  of  our 
national  life. 
I  spoke  of  stability  ;  take,  tor  example. 


the  currency.  We  have  had  trouble  with 
our  currency,  growing  out  of  our  war  and 
out  of  a  strange  and  unnatural  condition 
of  things,  but  now  it  is  coming  back  to 
solid  foundations.  Only  a  short  time  ago 
it  v/as  worth  but  sixty-eight  cents  on  a 
dollar,  now  it  is  worth  ninety-two,  and  we 
have  every  reason  to  beHeve  that,  if  there 
shall  be  no  political  disturbance,  within 
six  months  the  paper  dollar  in  your  pocket 
Will  be  equal  to  a  dollar  in  gold.  This  is 
the  great  thing  that  we  require — to  Iiave 
stability  and  solid  foundations  for  business. 
There  are  politicians  who  tell  us  the 
worse  thing  that  eould  be  done  would  be  to 
return  to  specie  payments,  and  the  best 
thing  that  eould  happen  would  be  a  fluctu- 
ating currency  that  is  worth  ninety  cents 
on  the  dollar  to-day,  and  sixty  to-morrow. 
That  is  false  philosophy.  In  every  coun- 
try the  people  were  always  benelitted  when 
the  money  in  circulation  in  their  pockets 
was  brought  tip  from  a  dipcount  and  made 
equal  to  the  gold  dollar,  which  is  the  stand- 
ard of  value  throughout  the  world.  That 
la  what  we  desire,  and  it  is  -what  we  are 
going  to  do ;  and  we  are  going  to  do  it 
much  faster  than  any  of  us  e^pecfcetl — 
much  faster  than  I  expected  ;  and  we  arc 
going  to  do  it  m  deriance  of  theory  and 
speculation  upon  the  part  ef  statesmen  of 
all  parties.  It  is  coming  upon  us  without 
ajar.  It  is  coming  upon  us  without  depres- 
sion; without  unsettling  the  condition  of 
business  ;  and  we  are  improving  and  pro- 
gressing faster  than  any  of  us  had  a  right 
to  expect. 

RECOVERY    FROM   THK  REBELLION   RAV- 
AGES. 

We  have  escaped  from  a  war :  some  live 
years  ago  the  terrible  civil  war  that  deso- 
lated the  laud  ended,  and  now  the  marks 
of  war  are  almost  goue  from  the  land. 
jNbt  from  our  memories  :  those  of  you  who 
lost  sons  and  brothers  and  iaihers  a»d  hus- 
bands can  never  forget  that,  and  you  can 
never  forget  the  men  that  made  that  war, 
you  can  never  forget  the  politicians  who 
forced  it  upon  this  country. 

Bat  I  am  speaking  now  of  the  material 
ravages  of  war.  They  are  fast  disappear- 
ing, and  with  the  destruction  of  human 
slavery,  aud  with  the  establishment  of  hu- 
man, rights  upon  an  equal  biisis  of  justice 
and  liberty  to  all.  we  are  now  advancing  in 
wealth  and  material  prosperity  as  we  never 
did  before. 

I  said  these  war  memories  will  not  pas*s 
away.  We  may  forgive,  but  we  cannot 
forge*,  and  in  a  great  many  instances  we 
have  no  right  to  forgive  politically.  It  i.s 
not  sound  policy  that  we  should  do  so,  lor 
that  man  that  lias  deceived  and  betrayed 
Ms  country  in  the  hour  of  its  peril,  when 
it  was  threatened  with  destruction— that 
man  cannot  be  safely '  trusted  in  time  of  i 


peace.     Am   I  right  about  that?    (Loud 

'applause.) 

WHO  ARE  RESPONSIBLE   FOR.  THE    WAR 
DEBT. 

Politicians  are  complaining  to  you 
much  about  the  war  debt  and  about  'the 
manner  in  which  this  debt  shall  be  paid. 
iThe  Republican  party  is  held  responsible 
|  by  Democratic  politicians  as  if  this  debt 
jhad  been  made  for  the  benefit  of  the  Re- 
publican party.  This  debt  was  made  to 
(preserve  this  country ^  to  raise  armies,  to 
'pay  them v and  keep  them  in  the  Held  to 
put  down  rebellion,  and  the  men  who 
made  the  rebellion  and  w'w>  continued  it 
are  the  men  who  are  responsible  for  the 
debt.  Who  made  this  rebellion?  Who 
was  it  that  caused  us  to  incur  this  debt? 
And  who  are  to-day  justly  responsible  for 
jit  in  the  opinkm  of  the  world?  My 
j  friends,  I  can  tell  you,  and  my  words  can 
not  be  gainsaid,  that  the  Democratic  poli- 
ticians of  the  North  are  largely  and  chieflj- 
responsible  for  bringing  on-  this  war.  I 
speak  that  whiek  is  matter  of  history ; 
and  who  know  it  better  than  the  in- 
telligent citizens  of  Vigo  county  that 
but  for  the  course  of  tee  Democratic 
party  in  Indiana  and  other  States  we 
would  have  had  no  rebellion,  and  but  for 
the  course  of  the  Democratic  party  after 
{the  rebellion  had  begun  it  would  have 
been  abandoned  at  the.  end  of  the  first 
two  years,  and  bat  for  their  conduct  we 
would  to-day  ha  ve  no  uationaTdebt.  South  - 
em  people  will  tell  yon  vvlien  you  go  among 
them,  I  do  not  care  in  wfaat  State  you 
travel,  that  if  it  had  uct  been  for  the  en- 
couragement they  received  from  Demo- 
cratic leaders  in  the  N-oFih,  they  never 
would  have  embarked  in  the  rebellion. 
They  were  led  to  believe  that  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  the  North  would  hold  the 
Republican  pnrrty  still  while  the  work  was 
consummated,  and  in  thai  belief  they 
embarked  in  it.  They  were  tired  of  the 
rebellion  in  the  first  two  years,  and 
wanted  to  quit ;  but  the.  Democratic  party 
of  the  North  told  them  to  lu)Id  on — to 
persevere;  that  the  Democratic  party  of 
the  North  sympathized  with  them;  that  it 
was  everywhere  gaining  ground  through- 
out the  Northern  States,  and  that  when 
it  should  come  into  power — which  it 
certainly  would  do — they  cpuld  estab- 
lish then1  Confederacy;  "and,  believing 
that,  they  did  persevere  throughout  1863 
and  1SG4.  But  after  the  Democratic  party 
[was  beaten  in  1864  in  the  Presidential 
election,  then  hope  died  and  the  rebellion 
came  to  its  end. 

1  merely  remark  these  things,  which 
you  all  know  and  whhh  cannot  be  de- 
nied, for  the  purpose  of  placing  in.  a  clear 
light  before  your  minds  the.  just  responsi- 
bility' for  the,  national  doht — who  caused 


|p»  t 


1  1 


ic  to  be  contracted,  and  who  it  was  that 
placed  it  upon  your  shoulders   and  upon 

GREENBACKS. 

Ou  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  Febru- 
ary, 1862,  Congress  passed  the  first  act 
that  was  passed  authorizing  the  issue  of 
legal  tender  notes.  A  second  act  was 
passed  in  January,  1863.  Since  then 
tliere  have  been  no  acts  passed  authoriz- 
ing the  issue  of  legal  tender  notes.  Under 
these  several  acts  of  Congress  four  hun- 
hundred  millions  of  greenbacks  were  issued. 
Of  tiiis  amount  forty-four  millions  were 
contracted,  or,  as  we  say,  "retired  "  from 
circulation  by  Mr.  McCulloch,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  during  the  adminis- 
tration of  President  Johnson,  leaving  in 
circulation,  as  there  are  now,  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty-six  mJlions  of  greenbacks. 
We  have  also  about  three  hundred  mil- 
lions of  National  Bank  notes,  based  on 
the  bonds  and  redeemable  in  greenbacks  ; 
but  I  speak  now  of  the  legal  tender  notes 
issued  by  the  Government. 

We  have  been  trying  ever  since  the 
close  of  the  war  to  bring  these  notes  up 
to  par,  starting  with  them  at  68  or  70' 
cents  on  the  dollar,  and  bringing  them 
up  gradually  until  now  we  have  got  them 
to  about  92  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  we 
expect  to  have  them  at  par  in  the  course 
of  six  months.  Now,  if  it  has  required 
such  a  long  time,  and  has  been  attended 
with  so  much  difficulty  to  bring  three 
hundred  and  iifty-six  millions  of  these 
notes  up  to  par,  and  get  clear  of  their  de- 
preciation, if  instead  of  having  only  three 
hundred  and  Iifty-six  millions  of  these 
notes  in  circulation  we  had  two  thousand 
millions,  in  that  caso  all  hope  of  getting 
them  to  par  would  have  to  be  abandoned 
and  they  would  become  wholly  worthless, 
as  was  the  case  in  France  and  elsewhere 
under  similar  circumstances;  they  would 
fall  to  the  ground  as  they  have  done  in 
other  countries.  But  by  keeping  these 
notes  within  a  moderate  limit  we  have 
succeeded  in  removing  to  a  great  extent 
their  depreciation,  and  shall  succeed  in 
bringing  them  to  par. 

In  the  great  loan  bill  of  1804,  under 
which  the  most  of  the  bonds  now  out- 
standing were  issued,  it  was  provided  thai/ 
the  whole  amount  of  greenbacks  should 
never  exceed  four  hundred  millions  of 
dollars.  That  was  a  pledge  given  to  the 
bondholder^  and  to  those  from  whom  we 
expected  to  borrow  money,  It  was  tiien 
believed  that  without  this  pledge  the 
Government  could  not  borrow  the  amount 
necessary  to  carry  on  the  war.  That 
pledge — that  guaranty — is  unrepealed,  and 
is  as  binding  now  as  it  was  then.  This  is 
my  general  statement  in  regard  to  the 
condition  of  the  greenback  question. 


DISHONEST  WAY  TO  PAY  IIOMI.'ST  DEBTS. 

Mr.  Pendleton  thought,  iu  1867,  that 
he  had  made  a  discovery — but  in  1868> 
when  he  was  a  candidate  for  Governor  in 
OliiQ,  he  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
he  had  not  made  a  discovery.  He  was 
materially  akled  iu  coming,  to  that  con- 
clusion by  being  slaughtered  in  the  Dem- 
ocratic Convention  in  New  York  in  1868. 
This  gentleman,  in  common  with  Mr, 
Voorhees,  thought  he  had  discovered  x 
way  to  pay  the  national  debt  without 
costing  anybody  anything,  without  taxa- 
tion, without  any  burden  upon  the  peo- 
ple, simply  by  expending  a  few  thousand 
dollars  for  Ink,  paper,  and  printing,  and 
they  now  wish  to  make  the  people  be- 
lieve (more  especially  Mr.  Voorhees — for 
Mr.  Pendleton  has  abandoned  the  whole 
thing),  that,  having  found  ont  this  way  to 
pay  the  national  debt  without  costing 
anybody  anything,  the  Democratic  party 
may  now  be  put  into  power  to  relieve  the 
people  of  all  taxation.  I  have  heard 
something  -like  this  before.  Some  of  you 
have  seen  advertisements  in  the  news- 
papers, that  if  you  would  send  one  dollar 
to  some  Post  Office  box  in  New  York,  or 
Philadelphia,  or  Boston,  you  would  re- 
ceive ki  retura  a  great  secret,  by  which 
you  would  be  enabled  to  make  "a  large 
fortune,  or  become  suddenly  rich.  Such 
advertisements  are  frequently  contained 
in  the  newspapers,  and  greenhorns  some- 
times bite  at  them  and  send  their  dollars. 
All  such  advertisements  are  intended  fot 
jreenhorn-Si  and  the  game  is  what  i?  called 
ia  confidence  game.  Whenever  a  politi- 
jcian  comes  before  you  and  tells  you  he 
I  has  found  out  a  way  by  which  the  na- 
itional  debt  can  be  paid  without  costing 
j  anybody  anything,  remember  that  it  is 
(intended  for  groenhom*  and  nobody  else. 
I  [Laughter  and  applause.]  The  national 
debt  can  only  be  paid  honestly-,  just  like 
your  debts  can  be  paid,  and  whenever 
j  politicians  attempt  to  gain  the  confidence 
of  the  people,  and  to  gain  their  votes,  by 
pretending  that  they  have  found  out  £ 
way  to  pay  the  national  debt  without 
taxation,  and  without  cost  to  anybody,  it 
is  on]y  a  political  confidence  game — that 
is  all. 

EFFECTS  OF  INFLATION. 

I  spoke  to  you  about  the  effect  of  our 
having  three  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of 
paper  money  in  circulation,  and  the  diffi- 
culty of  bringing  it  to  par.  It  is  well 
kuo,v/n  to  any  business  man  that  If  you 
were  to  issue  now  three  hundred  millions, 
or  two  hundred  millions,  or  one  hundred 
millions  of  new  legal  tender  notes,  you 
would  thereby  inflate  the  currency,  encour- 
age a  spirit  of  speculation,  send  up  prices  ; 
and  then  the  whole  thing  must  come  down 


of  course ;  to  «se  a  cotftttion  espres- 
oion,  it  would  "go  np  like  a  rocket^and 
some  down  like  a  stick. ' '  We  would  have 
«fce  tame  'gloomy  and  terrible  course  to 
travel  again.  We  are  now  approaching  a 
condition  of  solid  prosperity.  Our  curren- 
ay  is  rapidly  becoming  good  ;  but  if  we  is- 
8oe  fifteen  or  ebrteen  hundred  millions  of 
greenbacks  to  pay  off  these  bonds,  we 
would  first  rob  our  creditors,  and  then  rob 
t&e  people  by  leaving  this  money  in  their 
hands  so  depreciated  that  it  would  take  a 
aat  full  of  it  to  buy  a  hat ;  it  might  be  had, 
»  it  was  in  France,  for  a  dollar  a  bushel. 

THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  AND  THE 
TARIFF. 

Passing  from  that,  I  come  now  to  the 
question  of  the  tariff.  There  is  a  great 
•ieal  said  by  Democratic  politicians  about 
ihe  tariff.  What  is  a  tariff?  A  duty  lev- 
.  xA.  upon  foreign  goods  imported  into  the 
United  States.  We  have  always  had  a  tar- 
Jaf  in  fehis  country  ever  since  the  Govern- 
aftent  was  x  formed.  It  began  with  the  ad- 
au'nistration  of  George  Washington  ;  and 
Before  the  Union  was  formed  the  several 
.States  had  their  respective  tariffs.  We| 
aive  always  raised  revenue  by  a  tariff,  and! 
always  shall.  It  has  been  done  under  eve-' 
^administration.  When  the  war  caaaej 
an  we  could  not  raise  enough  money  by  a  I 
S&riff.  We  had  to  raise  it  by  a  tariff  in | 
jart.  We  have  been  reducing  it  as  wej 
tamld,  but  we  still  have  to  raise  a  hundred,) 
Mid  fifty-live  or  a  hundred  and  sixty-five] 
mLKon  dollars  a  year  by  a  tariff.  Now  if  > 
f&u  abolish  the  tariff,  how  will  you  get] 
money  to  carry  on  the  government  ?  Will 
you  get  it  by  direct  taxation  ?  Is  the  De- 
a»ocratic  party  in  favor  of  that  ?  Certainly 
aot ;  nobody  is  in  favor  of  that.  Then  we 
must  have  a  tariff  to  get  revenue.  It  is 
idle  to  talk  about  repealing  it,  unless  you  can  j 
carry  on  the  Government  without  money. 

Then  free  trade  is  out  of  the  question ; 
when  a  man  talks  about  it  he  talks  about 
.»  thing  that  is  impossible.  I  do  not  care 
in  what  manner  you  adjust  the  tariff,  if 
you  have  a  tariff  at  all  it  will  afford  some 
protection;  you  must  have  a  tariff  for 
sfcvenue,  and  free  trade  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion as  long  as  you  have  a  tariff. 

THE  VARIOUS  KINDS  OF  TARIFF. 

There  are  several  kinds  of  tariff.    There! 
*  what  is  called  a  prohibitory  tariff — that) 
is  an  obsolete  idea.    I  know  of  nobody' 
who  is  in  favor  of  it.    Then  there  is  a  tar- 
iff for  protection  merely  that  differs  bin 
Sttle  from  a  prohibitory  tariff  in  principle  ; 
iliat  is  not  the  kind  of  tariff  that  we  want. 
3ut  as  a  tariff  for  revenue  will  afford  some 
•protection,  and  as  we  must  have  a  tariff  for  j 
revenue,  we  propose  that  the  protection 
shall  result  in  favor  of  our  osvu  producers, 
wid  not  in  favor  of  foreiga  producers. 

There  are  two  or  three  wayK  of  levying 


a  tariff.  One  way,  advocated  by  Mr,.  Kerr, 
is  to  levy  it  highest  upon  articles  that  we 
do  not  produce  at  ali,  such  as  tea,  sugar 
and  coffee. ~  If  you  do  thatv  of  course  it 
must  come  lightest  upon  articles  that  we 
do  produce  in  competition  with  foreign 
countries,  so  as  to  afford  to  our  own  pro- 
ducers the  least  possible  protection  and 
encouragement. 

There  is  another  plan  called  the  horizon- 
tal tariff,  which  is  levied  at  an  equal  rate 
of  per  cent,  on  all  articles  without  regard 
to  whether  they  are  luxuries  or  necessaries. 
It  has  been  said  to  be  a  tariff  of  strict  neu- 
trality between  the  home  producer  and  the 
foreign  producer.  If  you  think  that  neu- 
trality in  that  respect  "between  home  pro- 
ducers and  foreign  producers  should  pre- 
vail, then  you  would  b£  in  favor  of  the 
horizontal  tariff;  but  there  are  very  few 
people  who  are  in  favor  of  that.  In  levy- 
ing a  tariff  for  revenue,  we  should  in  the 
first  place  put  the  tax  higher  upon  luxuries 
than  upon  necessaries,  and  then,  if  there 
must  be  a  discrimination,  let  it  be  in  favor 
of  our  home  producers. 

Then  there  is  another  method  of  levying 
a  tariff ;  put  it  lowest  on  articles  that  we 
do  not  produce,  and  higher  upon  articles 
that  we  do  produce,  so  that  there  shall  be 
at  all  tunes  a  fair  and  equal  competrtion 
between  the  foreign  and  the  home  pro- 
ducer. If  you  make  it  a  prohibitory  tariff 
you  get  no  revenue  by  it.  If  you  put  it 
below  the  point  of  competition  you  get 
revenue  only,  and  give  the  market  over  to 
!the  foreign  producer.  We  do  not  want  a 
^prohibitory  tariff ;  we  do  not  want  to  make 
a  monopoly  here :  but  as  you  must  have  a 
tariff,  how  should  you  levy  it  ?  I  say  put 
it  at  a  point  that  will  afford  a  fair  competi- 
tion between  the  home  and  foreign  pro- 
ducer. That  brings  you  revenue  because 
there  is  competition,  and  competition  im- 
plies foreign  importation.  That  gives  rev- 
enue, and  at  the  same  tune  builds  up  your 
own  home  producers,  home  manufacturers 
and  home  labor.  I  am  for  protecting  home 
labor  as  far  as  it  can  be  done  legitimately. 
I  do  not  want  to  see  the  laboring  men  of 
this  country  working  for  the  same  prices 
that  the  working  men  of  Great  Britain, 
France  and  Germany  command.  Labor  is 
higher  in  this  country  than  it  ie  in  the 
countries  of  .Europe,  and  I  hope  and  ex- 
pect to  see  it  maintained,  and  when  .we 
can  legitimately  protect  and  encourage  our 
own  labor,  I  am  in  favor  or'  doing  it.  But 
I  do  not  want  anybody  to  say  because  I  say 
this  that  I  am  in  favor  of  a,  prohibitory 
tariff,  or  a  protective  tariff,  in  the  offensive 
sense  in  which  the  term  is  used ;  but  what 
I  say  is,  we  have  got  to  have  a  tariff.  I  do 
not  care  how  much  Democrats  may  bawl 
in  favor  of  Free  Trade ;  we  must  have  a 
tariff,  because  we  have  to  carry  on  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  cannot  do  it  without  money, 
and  ns  w?  nnst  have  a  tariff  I  want  it  so 


adjusted  as  to  discriminate  in  favor  of  the 
home  producer,   not  the  foreign  producer. 

A  HOME  MARKET. 

Another  tiling  right  here  :  I  am  in  favor 
of  building  up  a  home  market.  I  think 
there  are  some  fanners  here  to-night-,  and 
\  want  to  say  to  the'm  that  it  is  better  for' 
luetn  to  sell  their  wheat  at  $1 50  per 'bushel' 
in  Terre  Haute,  than  it  is  to  sell  it  at  $1  50 
per  bushel  in  New  York  and  then  have  to 
pay  for  its  transportation  to  Liverpool, 
Brest,  or  some  other  European  port.  What 
is  the  fact  ?  I  epe  here  behind  nie  a  distin- 
guished railroad  man  ;  I  state  it  as  a  gen- 
eral proposition,  and  I  think  I  am  not  far 
out  of  the  way,  that  it  will  take  one  bushel 
out  of  three,  or  very  nearly  that,  to  send 
your  wheat  to  New  York,  and  then  it  will 
cost  a  good  deal  to  get  it  from  NewYork 
to  Liverpool.  Mr.  McKeen,  am  I  not 
right?  (The  gentleman  addressed,  W.  B. 
McKeen,  Esq.,  President  of  the  Terre 
Haute,  Vandalia  &  St.  Louis  Railroad,  re- 
plied that  the  speaker's  estimate  was  cor- 
rect.) Now,  you  are  in  pursuit  of  a  foreign 
market,  recollect.  When  it  comes  to  corn, 
I  guess  it  takes  nearly  one  bushel  to  send 
the  other  to  New  York ;  and  then  if  you 
go  in  search  of  a  foreign  market,  which 
some  gentleman  are  so  fond  of,  you  have  to 
pay  die  additional  cost  of  transportation 
across  the  Atlantic.  So  that  it  is  to  our 
interest  to  have  onr  market  at  home.  16 
is  to  our  interest  to  have  all  kinds  of  indus- 
try and  all  kinds  of  manufactures  I  do 
not  want  to  create  a  monopoly ;  I  have 
-•stated  my  principles ;  but  I  say  boldly  here 
that**it  is  to  our  interest  to  have  as  many 
•different  manufactures  as  we  can.  Do  you 
think  everybody  ought  to  be  farmers?  If 
everybody  were  farmers,  then  the  farmers 
would  have  no  market.  No,  it  is  not  the 
interest  of  these  gentlemen  who  are  en- 
gaged in  fanning  to  have  everybody  farm- 
ers ;  it  is  our  interest  to  have  diversified 
pursuits  ;  it  is  our  interest  to  manufacture, 
as  far  as  we  can,  what  we  need,  and  that 
the  men  who  manufacture  buy  what  the 
farmer  lias  to  sell  and  sell  to  the  fanner 
what  he  wants.  Will  any  man  dispute  the 
soundness  of  these  principles  ?  And  yet 
some  politicians  will  come  before  the  coun- 
try and  argue  as  if  there  was  no  honorable 
pursuit  but  farming.  They  want  to  natter 
the  farmers,  but  farmers  have  too  much" in- 
telligence and  good  sense  to  be  deceived  by 
them.  They  know  their  interest  is  to  have 
a  good  market  for  their  produce,  and  to 
have  it  as  near  home  as  possible.  And  one 
great  desideratum  that  we  have  now  to 
look  to  is  cheap  transportation  to  the  East- 
ern cities.  We  have  got  to  have  it,  and  we 
are  going  to  try. 

The  nearer  you  can  bring  the  market 
at  home  to  the  farmer,  the  better  for  the 
farmer,  and  the  better  for  all  classes  of 
people. 


WISDOM    AND    STATESMANSHIP    OF    KK- 
PUBLKJAN  LEGISIiATION . 

They  tell  you  a  gr^at  many  articles  are 
taxed.  Of  course  they  are.'  This  tariff 
must  fall'  on  something-.  You  canntft 
take  in  a  hundred  and  sixty  millions  of 
dollars  of  revenue  every  year  unless  you 
tax  nearly  everything  more 'or  less;, -but  we 
have  been  reducing  taese-taxes.  I  want  to 
state  to  you— although  you  are  doubtless 
already  familiar  with  it — what  has  re- 
cently occurred  in  Congress.  We  have 
passed  a  bill  to  reduce  taxation,  and  by 
that  bl'U  have  reduced  taxation  to  the 
amount  of  eighty  million  dollars,  Now 
reducing  taxes  eighty  million  dollars  is 
worth  a  great  many  Democratic  speeches, 
and  a  great  many  Democratic  arguments. 
There  is  a  great  fact.  We  have  .just  re- 
pealed fifty-seven  millions  of  internal 
taxes,  and  at  the  same  time  reduced  the 
tariff  twenty-three  millions.  We  could 
not  come  down  altogether ;  we  came 
down  as  low  as  we  could  to  raise  the 
necessary  amount  of  money  to  cany  on 
the  Government,  but  we  have,  by  mean  5 
of  certain  great  improvements  in-  tiie  ad- 
ministration, been  enabled  within  the 
last  fifteen  days  to  repeal  eighty  millions 
of  taxes.  How  have  we  done  that?  First, 
we  have  repealed  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  in- 
ternal taxes,  except  those  on  whisky  and 
tobacco  and  the  sales  of  whisky  and  to- 
bacco—all the  rest  with  the  exception  of 
stamps.  We  have  abolished  stamps  put 
on  receipts,  which  are  a  vexation  to  the 
peopLe,  and.  we  have  abolished  stamps  on 
all  notes  under  one  hundred  dollars.  We 
have  brought  down  this  kind  of  taxation 
to  the  lowest  point  that  we' 'could,  and 
nearly  all  that  is  left  of  it  is  on  tobacco 
and  whisky.  A  thousand  other  little 
taxes,  that  had  to  be  levied  during  the 
war,  we  have  now  swept  away. 

REFORM     AND    EQUALIZATION    OF    THE 
TARIFF. 

Well,  how  about  the  tariff?  we  have 
taken  off  twenty-three  millions  from  the 
tariff.  On  what?  Principally  on  tea,  cof- 
fee, and  sugar,  those  three  great  necessa- 
ries of  life,  that  are  consumed  by  every 
family  in  this  country,  and  consumed  not 
according  to  their  wealth  but  according 
to  their  number.  The  laboring  man— the 
man  in  every  condition  of  life  must  have 
his  tea,  coffee,  and  sugar.  We  have  re- 
duced the  tax  on  tca^from  twenty-five 
cents  to  fifteen  cents  per  po>und ;  on  cof- 
fee from  five  cents  to  three  cents  per 
pound.  We  have  taken  three  cents  per 
pound  off  sugar,  or  33  per  cent,  of  the  en- 
tire tariff. 

We  have  reduced  the  duty  on  pig  iron 
from  $9  to  $7  per  ton,  bringing  it  down  to 
the  point  where  we  think  there  will  ba  a 
fair  competition  between  the  home  and  for- 
eign producer .  A  STP.»i.  many  articles  we 


have  put  on  the  free  list,  upon  v.-hich  there 
was  a  small  duty.  So  this  Congress,  tluit 
has  been  so  much  abused  and  traduced, 
has  reduced  your  taxes  eighty  millions  of 
dollars.  In  the  presence  of  a  grand  re- 
sult of  this  kind  all  little  petty  grumblings, 
carpings,  and  fault-findings  disappear. 
Here  is  a  great  event,  a  gfand  result. 
And  -it  was  brought  about  by  the  Republi- 
can party,  arid  without  the  aid  of  the 
Democratic  party. 

DEMOCRATS    VOTE     AGAINST     REDUCED 
TAXES. 

Now,  I  want  to  call  your  s  attention  to 
the  fact  that,  notwithstanding"'  our  Demo- 
cratic friends  are 'com plaining  continually 
about  the  tariff,  not  one  qf  them,  in  cither 
branch  of  Congress,  voted  for  this  bill  that 
reduced  taxation  eighty  millions  of  dol- 
lars— not  one  of  them.  The  work  has 
been  done,  but  they  did  not  do  it;  it  has 
been  done  by  the  Republican  party  in  Con- 
gress. Some  of  you  will  wonder  at  that — 
that  these  Democratic  politicians,  who 
have  been  talking  so  earnestly  about  the 
burden  of  taxation,  when  brought  to  the 
test  not  one  of  them  would  vote  for  the 
bill  upon  its  final  passage  !  The  most  of 
them  voted  .against  it,  and  some  of  them, 
dodged  j  but  rf  there  is  one  man  that  voted 
for  it  I  do  not  know  it. 

DEMOCRATIC    HYPOCRISY. 

The  Democrats  in  State  Convention,  in 
January  last,  resolved  that  tea,  coffee, 
and  sugar  should  be  put  on  the  free  list. 
Those  great  necessaries  of  life,  we  could 
not  do  without  a  tax  upon  them.  We 
have  go,t  to  have  the  one  hundred  and 
sixty  millions  of  revenue,  and  although 
we  put  as  much  on  luxuries  as  we  can, 
W6  cannot  put  it  all  there;  there  are  not 
enough  of  them.  We  must  pay  some- 
thing on  our  tea,  coffee,  and  sugar,  and  in 
fact  on  nearly  everything  else.  It  takes  a 
great  many  taxes  to  make  a  hundred  and 
sixty  millions  of  dollars.  These  Demo- 
crats wanted  the  tax  taken  off  from  those 
articles;  they  wanted  tea,  coffee,  and  sugar 
put  on  the  free  list,  but  when  the  time  for 
voting  came  not  one  of  them  voted  for  the 
bill.  To^how  you  how  perfectly  hollow 
and  hypocritical  are  all  these  Democratic 
professions,  I  refer  you  to  this  vote  on  the 
iinal  passage  of  that  bill.  There  is  the 
test.  One  vote  in  favor  of  reducing  taxa- 
tion is  worth  a  hundred  speeches  in  favor 
of  it.  They  have  made  hundreds  of 
speeches,  but  when  the  time  came  to  vote 
they  either  voted  the  other  way,  or  were 
not  there. 

I  read  an  extract  from  the  New  York 
World,  one  of  the  leading  Democratic 
papers  in  the  United  States,  and  by  all 
odds  the  ablest.  This  is  of  recent  date, 
within  the  last  ten  days ;  it  13  commenting 
on  this 'bill  that  I  was  just  speaking  of: 


"The  proposal  of  the  'tail  tariff,'  as  it" 
is  now  called,  from  the  fact  of  its  having 
been  lucked  on  the  end  of  the  internal  tax 
biH,  was  a  shrewd  move  on  Schenck's  part. 
By  offering  a  measure  for  the  diminution 
of  taxation — though  the  reductions  them- 
selves were  made  in  the  most  obj  ect  ion  able 
way,  viz  :  mainly  upon  tea,  coffee,  a-ntl 
'SUSCTT — Schenck  was  able  to  secure  the  Re- 
publican vote  for  his  bill.  The  Republi- 
can revenue  reformers  knew  that  they 
could  not  face  their  constituents  without 
having  reduced  taxation,  and  at  this  late 
period  in  the  session  no  measure  for  the 
purpose  other  than  tha-t  before  them  was 
possible." 

WHAT     ACTUATES  ^THE     DEMOCRATIC 
PARW. 

,  What  is  the  trouble  with  our  Demo- 
cratic friends  ?  I  will  terUyou.  They  have 
but  one  rule  of  action  practically,  as 
•though  they  have  theoretically  other;- 
and  that  is  to  oppose  whatever  the  Re- 
publican party  does.  Wlten  we  propose! 
to  reduce  the  tax  on  one  article,  they 
want  it  reduced  on  the  other,  but  when 
we  come  to  the  other  then  they  say  it's 
the  t'other.  And  so  we  can  never  get  to 
that  article  upon  Avhich  they  are  willing 
ito  reduce  taxation.  After  their  clamoring 
about  the  tariff  on  iron,  as  they  have  been 
for  years,  when  we  proposed  in  this  bill 
to  bring  down  the  tariff  from  $9  to  $7  per 
ton,  the  bill  that  contained  that  reduction 
never ,  secured  a  single  Democratic  vote. 
No,  these  are  not  the  articles  they  want 
the  taxes  reduced  on.  They  are  in  favor 
of  reduction  on  everything  except  the  ar- 
ticles contained  in  the  bill.  We  have 
selected  those  things  that  we  thought  moyt 
important  for  the  great  mass .  of  the- 
nation,  and  especially  for  the  poor  people 
and  the  laboring  part  of  the  community,, 
because  the  wealthy  can  always  take  care 
of  themselves.  We  have  selected  these 
articles  and  reduced  the  tax  on  them,  but 
yet  we  were  not  able  to  secure  the  aid  of  a. 
single  Democratic  member  in  either  House. 

OUR  GREAT  FINANCIAL  MEASURES. 

I  come  now  to  the  Funding  -Bill.  We 
have  passed  a  Funding  Bill.  What  is 
that?  We  mean  by  a  Funding  Bill,  a  bilt 
by  which  we  will  be  able  to  reduce  tJio 
rate  of  interest  on  the  public  debt.  Our 
bonds  now  draw  six  per  cent,  and  five  per 
cent.  We  could  not  get  money  at  any 
less  rate  during  the  war,  but  the  time  is 
come  now  when  we  think  we  can  borrow 
money  at  lower  rates.  How  do  we  pro- 
pose to  do  it?  Not  by  violating  the  con- 
tract by  trying  to  swindle  our  creditors — 
the  men  who  loaned  their  money  to  the 
"Government — but  by  an  honest  and  legiti- 
mate method,  such  as  has  been  practiced 
by  every  honorable  government  in  the 
pjvorld.  We  passed  a  bill  authorizing  the 
Government  to  issue  three  kinds  of 


'ixmds.  First,  bonds  to  the  amount  of 
two  hundred  inHlions,  drawing  five  per 
cent, ;  second,  bonds  to  the  amount  of  two 
hundred  millions,  drawing-  4£  per  cent.  ; 
third,  bonds  to  the  amount  of  one  thou- 
sand millions,  drawing  four  per  cent.  We 
authorized  our  Secretary  to  sell  tlwse 
bonds,,  if  he  can,  at  par.  If  he  can  sell  a 
bond  kt  par  that  draws  only  four  pen-  cent, 
interest,  then  he  can  take  the  money  he 
gets  for  that  bond  and  b«y  with  it  another 
bond  that  draws  six  per  cent.,  and  thus 
save  to  the  Government  two  per  cent,  per 
.annum.  If  he  sells  a  bond  drawing  four 
and  a  half  per  cent.,  and  buys  a  bond  of 
like  amount  drawing  six.  he  saves  to  the 
Government  one  and  a  half  per  cent,  per 
.annum.  That  is  what  we  call  funding  the 
f.'bt.  and  we  propose  to  put  the  debt  into 
jiew  bonds  that  draw  a  lower  rate  of  i-nter- 
esc.  by  which  we  can  save  from  ten  to 
twenty  millions  per  annum.  Do  3-011  not 
tfiiuk  that  is  a  good  purpose — an  honorable 
And  an  honest  purpose?  We  have  been 
tr>'iiig  to  get  such  a  bill  for  two  j-ears. 
We  have  got  one  secured  ;  it  is  signed  :  it 
is  the  law  of  the  land  to-night.  And  yet 
this  bill  could  not  secure  the  vote,  so  far 
as  [  know,  of  a  single  Democrat,  although 
tliey  have  been  complaining  so  much  about 
the  great  burden  of  Hlrre^.;  the  i>eople  are 
jxxying.  They  complained  about  cur  pay- 
ing interest.  They  want  to  stop  the  intei'- 
r.-it  by  «aj  ing  oil'  the  bonds  in  irredeema- 
ble paper  money,  but  v.'hen  we  get  ;rx  hon- 
est, honorable  and  proper  method  of  put- 
ting down  this  interest,  and  reducing  the 
expenses  of  the  Government,  it  was  not 
able  to  secure  the  vote  of  n,  single  Demo- 
cratic member  or  Senator.  X-o.  They 
talk  about  these  things,  but  whan  the  time 
for  action  comes — when  the  time  to  ac?.om- 
plish  it  comes — they  are  not  there. 

So  much,  then,  in  regard  to  live  Funding 
•bill.  We  expect  that  we  shall  fund  this 
We  expect  that  we  shall  bs  able  to 
sell  low  priced  bonds,  and  buy  up  those 
bearing  a  higher  rate  of  interest,  and  thus 
.save  millions  every  year,  until  the  whole 
•debt  is  finally  funded,  and  the  money  thus 
eaved  in  the  way  of  interest,  ean  be  applied 
•to  the  payment  of  the  bonds. 

STDPUBLICAN    HONESTY — GRANT'S     AND 

JOHNSON'S  ADMINISTRATIONS 

CONTRASTED. 

Now,  the  question  may  present  itself  to 
your  mind,  howris  it  that  we  have  been 
%!>!<;  to  repeal  eighty  millions  of  taxes? 
\Yb  r  was  that  not  done  before  ?  You 
have  had  a  Republican  Congress  all  the 
time;  why  could  you  not  do  it  before?  II 
AV ill  tell  yeu.  We  have  had  a  Republican 
Congress,  but  not  a  Republican  Admin  15- 
fcratlon  until  the  last  sixteen  months.  The 
last  three  and  a  half  years  of  President 
Johnson's  administration  was  a.H  tliorouir'.i- 
-ly  Democratic  as  was  that  of  James  i>;s- 


.phanan  or  Franklin  Pierce.  I  want  to  tell 
.von  how  we  are  abie  at  this  time  to  repeal 
'eighty  millions  of  :a:a\«,  and  still  have  sur- 
plus money  coming  into  the  Treasury. 
pirst,  by  economy — by  reducing  the  ex- 
penses of  the  Government,  and  \fe  reduced 
them,  MS  compared  with  President  John- 
son's administration,  over  fifty  millions  of 
dollars.  They  have  been  curtaMed  here, 
and  curtailed  there-,  and  in  the  other  place, 
and  the  expenses  of  the  Government  have 
been  greatly  reduced.  Then  we  have 
gained  a  large  amount  in  another  way — 
tby  the  honest  collection  of  the  revenue.  I 
wish  to  show  you  a  statement  I  obtained 
from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  only 
three  or  four  days  ago.  I  saw  Mr*.  Bout- 
well  the  clay  I  started  from  Washington, 
and  asked  him  to  send  me  a  statement, 
over  his  own  signature,  as  t-o  the  amount 
of  the  gain  "by  the  honest  collection  of  the 
revenue  since  General  Grant  came  into 
power.  Here  it  is,  and  1  shall  read  it  to 
you  :. 

''TREASURY  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Jiriy  5th,  1870. 
Hon.  0.  P.  Morion  : 

In  reply  to  your  verbal  inquiry  I  have 
the  honor  to  state  that  there  hris  been  an 
increase  of- thirty-two  millions. six  -hundred 
and  seventy-five  thousand  dollars  in  the 
Internal  Revenue  receipts  during  the  firs*, 
sixteen  months  of  President  Grant's  ud- 
ciinistratio-n.  MS  compared  with  the  last 
sixteen  months  of  President  Johnson's 
administiation." 

There,  you  have  it.  On  the 'same  rate  of 
taxation — cvcm  with  less,  because  under 
Johnson's  administration  the  tax  on  whis- 
ky was  two  dollars  per  galhm,  while  it  is 
now  fifty  cents  per  gallon,  we  liave  an  in- 
crease of  more  than  thirty-two  millions  in 
the  receipts  of  Internal  Revenue  in  sixteen 
months.  Mr.  Eoutwell  goes  on  : 

"And  an  increase  of  nineteen  millions 
I  four  hundred  ami  six  thousand  nine  hun- 
'drcd  and  fifty-three  dollars  in  custom  'du- 
ties for  the  same  period  and  upon  the  same 
comparison,  making  an  aggregate  of  fifty- 
one  millions  four  hundred  and  eight  thous- 
and six  hundred  and  ninety  dollars." 

Just  resulting  from  an  honest  adminis- 
tration !  When  you  add  this  to  what  we 
have  gained  in  the  way  of  economy  by  re- 
ducing the  expenditures,  you  will  under- 
stand -how  we  are  able  to  reduce  taxation 
eighty  niillions-of  dollars  by  oacsingleblow. 

I  read  again  from  his  statement;  "The 
decrease  of  the  public  debt  for  the  last 
^sixteen  mentlis  is  one  hundred  and.  -ihirty- 
inine  millions  one  hundred  and  four  fltous- 
fand  six  hundred  and  sixty  dollars." 

THE  WAR  DEBT  MELTING  AWAY. 

Since  Grant  came  into  power,  and  up  to 
!fchc  5th  d;iy  of  July,  nearly*  one  hundred 
•;iiiil  forty  :V.]ilo:H  of  the  public  debt  have 


been  paid  off,  and  I  have  just  got  ;.  dis- 
patch showing  that  up  to  to-night  the  pub- 
lic debt  will  have  been  reduced  over  one 
ium'dred  and  forty-six  millions  since  Gen- 
eral Granfc  camo  into  power,  winks  during 
the  last  sixteen  nfonths  of  President  John- 
son being  ia  power  only  eight  millions  of 
.  reduction  was  made,  or  a  little  over  ;  cer- 
tainly less  than  nine  millions.  At  this 
rate  the  public  debt  will  be  paid  off  in  Jess 
than  fifteen  yea-re.  It  is  true  you  have  all 
beeivground  down  by  taxation  ;  all  perish- 
ing with  K.  You  are  all  poor,  badly  dres- 
sed and  half  starved,  as  yon  all  know  ;  but 
Ave  have  paid  off  nearly  a  hundred  arid  for- 
ty millions  of  this  debt  since  Grant  came 
into  power. 

Here  is  another  great  result.  Is  it  not 
better  to  pay  oft'  the  debt  in  this  way  than 
to  attempt  to  swindle  the  creditors  out  of 
it  by  using  irredeemable  paper  for  the 
whoio  amount?  To  have  them  lose  the 
debt  and  the  people  lose  the  currency? 
And  nobody  gain  anything  byMt  but  the 
swindlers  and  shavers?  I  say.  in  the 
presence  of  these  great  results,  all  Demo- 
cratic arguments  fall  to  the  ground,  and 
come  to  nothing. 

And  what  has  been  done  in  these  six- 
teen months  will  bo  increased  in  the  next 
sixteen  months.  The  administration  is 
getting  better  month  after  month,  and  will 
get  better  year  after  year.  The  machinery 
is  only  fairly  in  operation  nov,F. 

THE    TRUE     "LABOR"     PARTY     OK     TUB 
COUNTRY. 


1  h;u'd  the  Republican  party  is  the  great 
labor  party  of  the  count  ty,  and  *o  it  is. 
Another  thing  :  it  is  the  great  reform 
party  of.  this  ".country.  We  have  made 
the  greatest  reforms  that  ever  were  made, 
and  shall  continue  to  make  them;  but 
we  only  do  ono  big  thing  at  a  time.  Peo- 
ple that  undertake  to  do  everything  at 
once,  nearly  always  fail  as  to  everything. 
You  can  see  how  we  have  advanced,  step 
by  step,  until  the  country  is  brought  to  its 
present  condition.  There  are  other  great 
reforms  to  be  accomplished,  and  the  Re- 
publican party  is  the  party  to  do  it.  I  tell 
ny  friends  ii  they  want  reform  to  cuiy 
with  tt>nt  party  tlxat  has  made  reforms, 
<tnd  that  is  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  re- 
form now.  Somehow  or  other,  whenever 
a  man  fails  to  get  an  office  that  he  wants, 
he  is  very  ap.t  to  become  a  reformer.  He 
discovers  all  at  once  that  he  is  taxed  to 
death.  It  liaay  turn  out,  upon  inquiry, 
t5ut  ho  never  paid  a  dollar  poll  tax  in  his 
he  becomes  all  at  once  grcviously 
oppressed  and  afflicted  by  taxation.  The 
Republican  party  cannot  give  all  its  hon- 
ora'ble  members  offices,  nor  on.^.  in  a 
thousand  of  them.  The  party  was  not 


created  for  the  purpose  of  ci^utin.c1;  o-fiices, 
but  wa'5  .created    for  the   benefit   of  the 
nation,  and  whenever  it  ceases  to  be  for 
the  benefit  of  the  nation  it  should  'b 
sol  veil.      No    party  should   live  an 
longer;    and   whenever   the    Repc 
party  becomes  corrupt  and  demoraliz-ec- 
and  ceases  to  be  a  reform  party.,  it  is  lugn 
time  for  it  to   give   way  to  some   ether 
party ;   net  the  Democratic  party ;   oh  uo  ! 
but  for  tjorne  new  party  that  will  come 
with  reform  in  its  hands,  and  c!o  those 
things  timt  it  has  failed  to  do. 

DUTY  OF  EVERY  PATRIOT. 

old  saying  is:  "Praise  the  bridge 
t'.iat  carries  you  safely  over."  Stand  'by 
the  party  that  saved  the  country  in  the 
dark  hours  of  the  rebellion ;  that  abol- 
ished slavery.  Stand  by  the  party  that 
will  restore  stability  and  solid  business 
foundations.;  the  party  that  has  given  to 
this  country  a  prosperity  and  glory 
never  had  before.  Stand  by  that  party . 
and  in  -:o  doing  you  will  stand  by  the  Se- 
publicftti  party. 

The    Republican    party    has    not    per- 
formed its  mission — not  until  the  wo:"k   of 
reconstruction    is    completed.      Now    we 
ha-ve    admitted,  all    the    States.     G< 
has  been  admitted;    she    has  taken    no; 
place  piice  r.iore   in  the  Union;    sh< 
been    admitted    upon    correct  print 
upon    principles    that    I   contended    for 
Mircughout  t'.iis  session  of  Con 
for  the  advocacy  of  which  I  received 
censure.-    The  work  of  reconstruct  •• 
perfect  and  complete  so  far  as  that  is  con- 
cerned, but  there  is  much  to  do  yet  i 
Southern  States.    There  is  a  deep  feeling 
of  ho.-tilify  to  Union  men  on  the  pi 
rebel-;  yet,  and  especially  to  the   colored 
men  that  have  been  enfranchised. 
have  got  to  take  care  of  those  people-- 
are  bound  to  take  care  of  the  Unio: 
of  the  South,  and  we  will  do  it- 
Republican  party  is  committed  to. that  in 
honor;    to  the  payment  of  the  national 
debt,  and  the  preservation  of  tl:e 
of  the  nation ;    and  for  other  ron-     • 
might  mention,  bit  have  not  linv      Lh< 
Republican  party  should  be  presevv. 

1  thank  you  kindly  for  your  nttenitc •-,. 
[  have  endeavored  to  speak  to  you  plainly 
and  freely,  and  in  conclusion  I  exhort  yon 
not  to  be  governed  by  the  prejudices  of 
party,  but  to  stand  by  those  men  and 
those  principles  that  have  preserved,  io?- 
tered,  and  maintained-your  interest,  politi- 
cally, pecuniarily,  and  in  every  point  of 
view. 

I  claim  that  this  has  been  done  by  the 
Republican  party  of  this  nation,  and'  L  aak 
youf-  therefore,  to  continue  to  give  it  jour- 
support. 


Published  by  Union  Republican  Congressional  Committee,  Washir.^ton,  P    C 


3  1205  02655  0762 


THE 


J£2*2!B»  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


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